U.S. House — MI-06
H2MI06158When the regulator and the regulated share the same donors, you deserve to know.
Less than $1 / week · Cancel anytime
Voting records are public. Most people never look. Now you can.
Less than $1 / week · Cancel anytime
Some members of Congress made millions trading on what they knew. This shows you if yours did.
Less than $1 / week · Cancel anytime
The donors already know what they expect. Shouldn't you?
Less than $1 / week · Cancel anytime
See exactly who — and what they're spending to get in return.
Less than $1 / week · Cancel anytime
Every figure here traces to public government filings. Those records are filed as ranges, updated on a lag, and spread across sources that were never built to be searched together — so totals are close estimates, not exact to the dollar or the trade. We work continuously to surface the truest, most complete picture available on each candidate.
Most voters never see this list. Now you can.
Less than $1 / week · Cancel anytime
Based on FEC disclosures, STOCK Act filings & congressional record · Nonpartisan
0% from PACs & party committees
Mostly individuals
Minimal outside spending detected
No IEs found
No committee/donor overlaps
Clean
16 trades — 13 filed late (STOCK Act violation)
81% late
Congressional record not yet indexed
See congress.gov
This measures what share of itemized contributions came from PACs and party committees versus individual citizens. Higher PAC concentration means organized interests have more access — and more leverage.
Independent expenditures (Super PAC spending) don't appear in a candidate's own fundraising, but are still spent to elect them. Super PACs disclose their donors — but that money often originates from 501(c)(4) ‘dark money’ nonprofits that never have to reveal their original funders, so the true source can stay hidden. A high share here means more of the campaign is bankrolled by outside groups, with real potential for undisclosed money behind them. Confirmed dark-money vectors are flagged separately below.
A conflict of interest exists when a lawmaker sits on a committee that regulates the same industry that funds their campaign. When the regulator and the regulated are financially connected, voters should ask: whose interests come first?
The STOCK Act requires Congress members to report personal stock trades within 45 days — because lawmakers who trade in industries they regulate risk profiting from insider knowledge. Late filings are a $200 fine most simply pay, meaning there's little deterrent.
This candidate's legislative record is not tracked in congressional databases, likely because they sought or served in executive office rather than Congress.